Tuesday, November 5, 2013
Oleh RIDHUAN TEE - Sinar Harian
"SAMPAI bila mahu Islam dihina oleh musuh-musuh Islam yang kita kenali? Mana ‘telur’ kita? Apakah kita sudah tidak ada ‘telur’ lagi disebabkan oleh kepentingan politik menutupi segala-galanya?Jika ahli politik sudah tidak ada ‘telur’, mohon Raja-Raja Melayu masuk campur tangan. Jika tidak, kita akan menyesal kemudian hari. Kita akan dikutuk oleh generasi akan datang.Kita terus melukut di tepi gantang. Umno dan Pas sudah tidak boleh diharap. PKR kita tolak ke tepi. Tidak ada menteri yang bercakap atau bangun mempertahankan soal penghinaan terhadap korban atau sembelihan di sekolah.Banyak lagi isu lain yang menyentuh sensitiviti agama Islam yang jelas-jelas termaktub dalam Perlembagaan sebagai agama Persekutuan, dihina dan dikeji? Apa kita buat? Kenapa kita begitu dayus? Kita terlalu menjaga hati orang, sehingga hati sendiri terguris.Apakah memang benar sembelihan korban dan mempertahankan kalimah ALLAH itu satu kesalahan? Katakan! Jangan membisu seribu bahasa. Berdosa. Sekadar ahli parlimen bercakap, masih tidak kuat. Apa pun saya ucapkan tahniah kepada sahabat saya YB Shahbudin Yahya, MP Tasek Gelugor.Saya pelik, dekat pilihan raya sahaja sama ada umum (PRU) atau kecil (PRK), kita menjadi kecut. Kita tidak berani memberi komen penghinaan yang dilakukan. Malah kita beri apa yang mereka minta sebanyak-banyak. Nak kata mereka mengundi kita, tidak juga.Saya amat bimbang dengan desakan cuti dua hari untuk perayaan minoriti diluluskan, sedangkan perayaan besar agama Persekutuan seperti Hari Raya Korban hanya diberikan satu hari sahaja.Bayangkan selepas ini, bangsa-bangsa minoriti Peribumi Sabah Sarawak, yang mana mereka lebih berhak, turut menuntut cuti dan cuti tambahan hari kebesaran dan perayaan mereka. Maka berpestalah kita dengan cuti sepanjang tahun.Ingatan saya, jangan jadi seperti bangsa Maori di New Zealand. Peribumi Maori merempat di tanah air sendiri bila orang lain menguasai. Penting sangatlah kerusi Dun Sungai Limau sehingga kita sanggup serahkan segalanya.Jika Umno tidak memenangi Dun Sungai Limau pun, Umno masih memerintah Kedah. Tetapi jangan tawarkan bulan dan bintang. Sakit hati melihatnya. Saya tidak bantah peruntukan lebih RM2 juta diberikan kepada SJKC di Sungai Limau.Begitu juga dengan Pas. Jangan kerana marahkan Umno dan kini sudah tidur sebilik dengan DAP dan PKR, kita turut menjadi penakut. Bersuaralah. Ini tidak, sikit sangat suaranya dalam isu sembelihan korban dan isu yang menyentuh maruah Islam. Isu kalimah ALLAH, janganlah cerita.Kepemimpinan pusat tidak membantah apa-apa, kecuali Harun Taib dan Harun Din. Kedua-dua Harun ini memang hebat dan sepatutnya memimpin Pas, bukan yang lain. Ingatan kepada Pas dan Umno, jangan kerana dendam dan sudah mendapat kawan baharu, kita menjadi dayus seolah-olah tidak ada ‘telur’.Rakyat sudah bosan dengan permainan kedua-dua parti politik Melayu ini. Saya setuju dengan cadangan sudah sampai masa sebuah parti politik ditubuhkan menggantikan Umno dan Pas sebagai alternatif kepada umat Islam, yang sedang hangat diperkatakan dalam laman sosial seperti facebook hari ini.Apa perlu dilakukan adalah dengan menggabungkan kepemimpinan NGO-NGO Islam yang lantang mempertahankan hak-hak Islam (Melayu). Antaranya adalah Isma, Perkasa, Jati, Muafakat, Macma, ACCIN dan lain-lain lagi.Saya harap ia boleh jadi suatu realiti. Kepemimpinan hari ini perlu ingat, kemenangan PRU13 sebelum ini adalah kerja keras semua NGO ini. Mereka bertungkus-lumus memastikan Pakatan Rakyat yang ditunjangi DAP dan PKR tidak memerintah.Jika Pas memerintah, masih sedap hati ini. Ini tidak, Pas hanya berjaya mempertahankan Kelantan. Negeri lain, Pas seolah-olah melukut di tepi gantang. DAP dan PKR tidak mempercayai Pas.Saya sudah lama menyarankan Umno dan Pas berbincang demi masa depan Islam, tetapi Pas menolak mentah-mentah. Hujahnya mudah, Umno tidak mahu Islam. Pas sanggup bersekongkolkan penentang Islam daripada orang Islam sendiri.Jika begitulah keadaannya, semua parti politik Islam Melayu sudah tidak ada ‘telur’, maka sudah sampai masanya sebuah parti Islam yang berani mempertahankan Islam (Melayu) ditubuhkan. Marilah sama-sama kita merealisasikannya. Kita perlukan parti politik yang benar-benar ada ‘telur’.
Tuesday, October 22, 2013
Pemilihan dan budget
Minggu lalu telah berlangsung pemilihan Umno dimana pemimpin di semua peringkat dipilih pada masa ini. Untuk tahun ini cara pemilihan berubah dimana pemilihan di buat oleh semua perwakilan seluruh negara serentak, bukan lagi di PWTC yg mana di tentukan oleh Dato- DAto dan seangkatan dengan mereka.Kali ini menarik kerana semua perwakilan dapat memilih dan menentukan nasib seorang pemimpin itu.
Perkara yang menarik yang dipemilihan perwikilan kali ini ialah kerana terdapat golongan orang muda yang ramai. Perebutan tempat VP menarik perhatian ramai dimana seorang menteri dan menteri besar bersaing sengit untuk merebut tempat untuk jawatan tersebut. Sampai ke saat akhir saingan begitu sengit,akhirnya keputusan telah diumumkan dan pemenang diumumkan. Ternyata masih ramai yang bersikap tidak mahu mengubah gandingan Mantap berkenaan. Baiklah tahniah diucapkan kepada pemenang,ingat 3 tahun bukannya lama. Ini mungkin AMARAN yang terakhir sebelum diubah ke orang lain.
Di peringkat MT pula marilah tengok barisan, apa yang menarik ialah boleh dikatakan ia di PENUHkan oleh DATO- DATO tiada lagi EN dan Tn Hj. pernah satu ketika dulu kawan rapat saya menyatakan bahawa UMNO akan berubah kepada parti orang Elite saja. Tiada lagi orang biasa di atas sana.hmm nampak apa yang mereka kata dulu sedang diterjemahkan sekarang. Diharapkan lepas ini di selitkan pemimpin muda yang biasa di angkat supaya suara akar umbi dapat didengar. Ini boleh mengembalikan zaman kegemilangan dahulu seperti zaman Tunku, Tun Ghaffar Baba dan lain-lain. Pemimpin dari kalangan Guru perlu kerana mereka ini rapat dengan rakyat, bukan businessman saja diketengahkan.
Jumaat ini budget akan dibentangkan,ramai yang tertunggu-tunggu akan berita baik yang mungkin disampaikan oleh PM kita,mungkin ada mungkin tiada.Apa yang penting jangan bebankan rakyat, tiada bonus pun tak pa janji harga tak naik. HArga apa...harga semua orang bising kalau naik. Dalam masa kita menunggu budget yang akan di bentang kan oleh PM Pembangkang pula mahu bentangkan budget mereka sehari awal. Kononnya kalau mereka umumkan budget mereka lambat dari pihak kerajaan maka mereka akan dikatakan mereka tiru budget kerajaan. Ini bukan soal tiru meniru tapi soal kesejahteraan rakyat. Kenapa pihak mereka tidak tulis surat rasmi dan hantarkan cadangan mereka untuk membantu membuat budget? bila bantu buat budget dengan memberi cadangan maka mereka juga bolehlah dikatakan membantu rakyat. Ini tidak umum lepas itu kata BN tiru dan seterusnya digunakan untuk ceramah mereka sebagai modal. Kaki spin betul mereka ini. Belum cuba belum tau. Tapi apa pun Budget kali ini diharapkan dapat mambantu rakyat Malaysia di semua peringkat, saya yakin PM akan melakukan yang terbaik dalam menyediakan Budget yang terbaik untuk semua....
Perkara yang menarik yang dipemilihan perwikilan kali ini ialah kerana terdapat golongan orang muda yang ramai. Perebutan tempat VP menarik perhatian ramai dimana seorang menteri dan menteri besar bersaing sengit untuk merebut tempat untuk jawatan tersebut. Sampai ke saat akhir saingan begitu sengit,akhirnya keputusan telah diumumkan dan pemenang diumumkan. Ternyata masih ramai yang bersikap tidak mahu mengubah gandingan Mantap berkenaan. Baiklah tahniah diucapkan kepada pemenang,ingat 3 tahun bukannya lama. Ini mungkin AMARAN yang terakhir sebelum diubah ke orang lain.
Di peringkat MT pula marilah tengok barisan, apa yang menarik ialah boleh dikatakan ia di PENUHkan oleh DATO- DATO tiada lagi EN dan Tn Hj. pernah satu ketika dulu kawan rapat saya menyatakan bahawa UMNO akan berubah kepada parti orang Elite saja. Tiada lagi orang biasa di atas sana.hmm nampak apa yang mereka kata dulu sedang diterjemahkan sekarang. Diharapkan lepas ini di selitkan pemimpin muda yang biasa di angkat supaya suara akar umbi dapat didengar. Ini boleh mengembalikan zaman kegemilangan dahulu seperti zaman Tunku, Tun Ghaffar Baba dan lain-lain. Pemimpin dari kalangan Guru perlu kerana mereka ini rapat dengan rakyat, bukan businessman saja diketengahkan.
Jumaat ini budget akan dibentangkan,ramai yang tertunggu-tunggu akan berita baik yang mungkin disampaikan oleh PM kita,mungkin ada mungkin tiada.Apa yang penting jangan bebankan rakyat, tiada bonus pun tak pa janji harga tak naik. HArga apa...harga semua orang bising kalau naik. Dalam masa kita menunggu budget yang akan di bentang kan oleh PM Pembangkang pula mahu bentangkan budget mereka sehari awal. Kononnya kalau mereka umumkan budget mereka lambat dari pihak kerajaan maka mereka akan dikatakan mereka tiru budget kerajaan. Ini bukan soal tiru meniru tapi soal kesejahteraan rakyat. Kenapa pihak mereka tidak tulis surat rasmi dan hantarkan cadangan mereka untuk membantu membuat budget? bila bantu buat budget dengan memberi cadangan maka mereka juga bolehlah dikatakan membantu rakyat. Ini tidak umum lepas itu kata BN tiru dan seterusnya digunakan untuk ceramah mereka sebagai modal. Kaki spin betul mereka ini. Belum cuba belum tau. Tapi apa pun Budget kali ini diharapkan dapat mambantu rakyat Malaysia di semua peringkat, saya yakin PM akan melakukan yang terbaik dalam menyediakan Budget yang terbaik untuk semua....
Thursday, September 26, 2013
Part 2 about Cp....from a friend.
I blame the skewed understanding of history among Malaysians, as well as attempts to rewrite history, on the Malaysian education system. The best way to get the nation together is to say that Malaya was colonised. The only times Malaya was wholly colonised was between 1942 and 1945, then again in 1946 until 1948. The Portuguese colonised Malacca, so did the Dutch. The rest of the Malay Peninsula were divided into various sovereign states.
Let me give you a brief history lesson on the MALAY peninsula:
The British came here for want of economic materials, and as a result of the various treaties with the respective states’ Sultan and Raja, the various states in Malaya became protectorates, administered by British Residents who were employed by the various Sultans and Rajas. Save for the Strait Settlements, the rest of the Malay Peninsula were never British colonies. Initially, the states of Perak, Selangor, Pahang and Negeri Sembilan all had their own Resident, but decided to have a common Resident as mentioned in Clause 4 of the Treaty of the Federation, 1895:
The above named Rulers agree to accept a British officer, to be styled the Resident General as the agent and representative of the British government under the government of the Straits Settlement. They undertake to provide him with a suitable accommodation with such salary as determined by Her Majesty’s government and to follow his advice in all matters of administration other than those touching the Mohammadan religion. The appointment of the Resident General will not affect the obligations of the Rulers towards the British Resident now existing or hereafter to be appointed to offices in the above mentioned protected states.
In return for the access to economic gains, Britain promised the states protection against threats. The protectorate over the Malay states does not amount to colonisation and sovereignty but prevents occupation or conquest of the protectorate by other nations (as evident during the Japanese invasion of Malaya). This differs from a colony in that the protectorates do not form an integral part of the territories of Great Britain.
As mentioned, the Malay states were made up of nine sovereign states, headed by the Sultan/Raja, and advised by a British adviser, with Negeri Sembilan, Selangor, Pahang and Perak forming the Federated Malay States, while the rest were termed as the Unfederated Malay States with individual treaties with the British. Malacca, Penang and Singapore became part of the colonies as part of the Straits Settlement. Three legal cases became the test for the independent-nature of the sovereign states, namely the Mighell vs Sultan of Johore (1894), Duff Development Co. Ltd vs Kerajaan Negeri Kelantan & Anor (1924), and the Pahang Consolidated Co. Ltd vs State of Pahang (1931-32).
Therefore, on 31st August, 1957, the independence we gained was from feudalism, and not colonialism as we were brought up to believe in. On that day, the Sultans and Rajas were removed of their British advisers who administered their state on their behalf, and were now advised by the Prime Minister and the Cabinet (Chief Minister and Executive Councillors on state level). The constitution of rulership was continued but modified to include parliamentary democracy.
Since the independence we gained on 31st August, 1957 was from feudalism (the governing of the nation by a government elected by the people as opposed to British-appointed advisers), when did the nationalist movement for this independence actually began? It was upon the formation of the Malayan Union of 1946, an idea conceived during the Second World War and first presented to the British War Cabinet in May 1944 which required the Malay rulers to concede ALL powers to the British Crown, another indicator of the independent nature of the Malay states before the Japanese occupation. That started the ball rolling for the independence we now have.
Characters such as Burhanuddin Helmi, Ibrahim Yaacob, Hassan Manan, Mokhtaruddin Lasso, Ahmad Boestamam, Shamsiah Fakeh all fought for an independent Malaya under Javanese rule under the banner of Melayu Raya. You can read more on this in my posting The Road to Merdeka: Persekutuan Tanah China dated 6th September 2013. There you can read more about the characters mentioned, and also how that movement is linked to Chin Peng’s attempt to turn Peninsular Malaysia/Malaya into a communist state aligned with China.
The question whether Chin Peng was a contributor to the independence does not arise at all; he only assumed command of the Communist Party of Malaya when his predecessor, Loi Tak a.k.a Loi Tek a.k.a Lai Teck absconded with the movement’s funds in 1947. Why would the staunchly anti-communist British regard the Communist Party of Malaya as brothers-in-arms fighting the Japanese? Loi Tak, the Secretary-General of the CPM was a spy for the French colonial authorities in Vietnam to penetrate the Vietnamese freedom fighters and communists. You can read more in British Intrigue & The CPM: Some Characters.
And the remark made by Mariam Mokhtar that without the CPM, the Japanese in Malaya would not have been defeated is a feeble and shallow attempt to rewrite history. On 13th August 1945, Sukarno and Drs Hatta met up with Burhanuddin Helmi and Ibrahim Yaakob in Taiping to discuss the independence of Malaya under Javanese rule. In attendance was Major General Hirokichi Umezu of the Imperial Japanese Army. Ibrahim Yaakob was a Lieutenant Colonel in the Japanese Volunteer Army (Giyuugun). That effectively says that from that date, until the formal surrender of the Japanese military on 2nd September 1945, the Imperial Japanese Army remained undefeated.
Chin Peng fought against a collectively independent Malaya in 1948, a Malaya that was not colonised. Therefore, what was he fighting for? Was he planning to drive out the British advisers and become advisers in turn to the Malay rulers? According to Prof Dr Cheah Boon Kheng, the ratio of Chinese to Malays in communist-front organisations was 15:1, and as high as 50:1 in the CPM itself (The Star, Red Star Over Malaya, Sunda, 29th November, 2009). Do we honestly think they had the support of the whole population of Malaya? Whose interests would have been protected or preserved had they gotten their way then? Therefore the label “Chinese communists” as mentioned by Mariam Mokhtar is an apt description.
Mariam Mokhtar should also get her facts right (Chin Peng Has The Last Laugh, Malaysiakini, 23rd September 2013). Because of the ratio above, the Emergency was in essence a battle between the Malays who were trying to preserve their identity and religion, and the non-Malays who were against the CPM, against the Chinese-majority CPM that was bent on setting up a satellite communists state here. Mariam mentioned that atrocities were not just committed by Chin. Peng, but by both sides because “Malaya was on a war footing”. Since when was Malaya on a war footing? Who committed the first atrocity in 1948? Why was he fighting against an independent Malaya? And why did he not stop after the Tunku had announced our independence in 1956?
Chin Peng betrayed the people of Malaya. At the Baling talks, he promised the Tunku that the CPM would lay down their arms immediately if the British agreed to transfer power over internal security and defence into the hands of the Tunku’s Umno-MCA-MIC Alliance Government. Did he do it? No. He continued to kill Malayans/Malaysians for a further 34 years after the talks.
Chin Peng may be gone. And on every 16th September, Malaysia Day would be more meaningful – the day the man who butchered 10,000 of the people he had wanted to liberate, finally kicked the bucket on foreign soil.
Good riddance to bad rubbish!
In the final instalment, I will cover non-Malaysian Chin Peng’s request to be allowed to visit Sitiawan.
Let me give you a brief history lesson on the MALAY peninsula:
The British came here for want of economic materials, and as a result of the various treaties with the respective states’ Sultan and Raja, the various states in Malaya became protectorates, administered by British Residents who were employed by the various Sultans and Rajas. Save for the Strait Settlements, the rest of the Malay Peninsula were never British colonies. Initially, the states of Perak, Selangor, Pahang and Negeri Sembilan all had their own Resident, but decided to have a common Resident as mentioned in Clause 4 of the Treaty of the Federation, 1895:
The above named Rulers agree to accept a British officer, to be styled the Resident General as the agent and representative of the British government under the government of the Straits Settlement. They undertake to provide him with a suitable accommodation with such salary as determined by Her Majesty’s government and to follow his advice in all matters of administration other than those touching the Mohammadan religion. The appointment of the Resident General will not affect the obligations of the Rulers towards the British Resident now existing or hereafter to be appointed to offices in the above mentioned protected states.
In return for the access to economic gains, Britain promised the states protection against threats. The protectorate over the Malay states does not amount to colonisation and sovereignty but prevents occupation or conquest of the protectorate by other nations (as evident during the Japanese invasion of Malaya). This differs from a colony in that the protectorates do not form an integral part of the territories of Great Britain.
As mentioned, the Malay states were made up of nine sovereign states, headed by the Sultan/Raja, and advised by a British adviser, with Negeri Sembilan, Selangor, Pahang and Perak forming the Federated Malay States, while the rest were termed as the Unfederated Malay States with individual treaties with the British. Malacca, Penang and Singapore became part of the colonies as part of the Straits Settlement. Three legal cases became the test for the independent-nature of the sovereign states, namely the Mighell vs Sultan of Johore (1894), Duff Development Co. Ltd vs Kerajaan Negeri Kelantan & Anor (1924), and the Pahang Consolidated Co. Ltd vs State of Pahang (1931-32).
Therefore, on 31st August, 1957, the independence we gained was from feudalism, and not colonialism as we were brought up to believe in. On that day, the Sultans and Rajas were removed of their British advisers who administered their state on their behalf, and were now advised by the Prime Minister and the Cabinet (Chief Minister and Executive Councillors on state level). The constitution of rulership was continued but modified to include parliamentary democracy.
Since the independence we gained on 31st August, 1957 was from feudalism (the governing of the nation by a government elected by the people as opposed to British-appointed advisers), when did the nationalist movement for this independence actually began? It was upon the formation of the Malayan Union of 1946, an idea conceived during the Second World War and first presented to the British War Cabinet in May 1944 which required the Malay rulers to concede ALL powers to the British Crown, another indicator of the independent nature of the Malay states before the Japanese occupation. That started the ball rolling for the independence we now have.
Characters such as Burhanuddin Helmi, Ibrahim Yaacob, Hassan Manan, Mokhtaruddin Lasso, Ahmad Boestamam, Shamsiah Fakeh all fought for an independent Malaya under Javanese rule under the banner of Melayu Raya. You can read more on this in my posting The Road to Merdeka: Persekutuan Tanah China dated 6th September 2013. There you can read more about the characters mentioned, and also how that movement is linked to Chin Peng’s attempt to turn Peninsular Malaysia/Malaya into a communist state aligned with China.
The question whether Chin Peng was a contributor to the independence does not arise at all; he only assumed command of the Communist Party of Malaya when his predecessor, Loi Tak a.k.a Loi Tek a.k.a Lai Teck absconded with the movement’s funds in 1947. Why would the staunchly anti-communist British regard the Communist Party of Malaya as brothers-in-arms fighting the Japanese? Loi Tak, the Secretary-General of the CPM was a spy for the French colonial authorities in Vietnam to penetrate the Vietnamese freedom fighters and communists. You can read more in British Intrigue & The CPM: Some Characters.
And the remark made by Mariam Mokhtar that without the CPM, the Japanese in Malaya would not have been defeated is a feeble and shallow attempt to rewrite history. On 13th August 1945, Sukarno and Drs Hatta met up with Burhanuddin Helmi and Ibrahim Yaakob in Taiping to discuss the independence of Malaya under Javanese rule. In attendance was Major General Hirokichi Umezu of the Imperial Japanese Army. Ibrahim Yaakob was a Lieutenant Colonel in the Japanese Volunteer Army (Giyuugun). That effectively says that from that date, until the formal surrender of the Japanese military on 2nd September 1945, the Imperial Japanese Army remained undefeated.
Chin Peng fought against a collectively independent Malaya in 1948, a Malaya that was not colonised. Therefore, what was he fighting for? Was he planning to drive out the British advisers and become advisers in turn to the Malay rulers? According to Prof Dr Cheah Boon Kheng, the ratio of Chinese to Malays in communist-front organisations was 15:1, and as high as 50:1 in the CPM itself (The Star, Red Star Over Malaya, Sunda, 29th November, 2009). Do we honestly think they had the support of the whole population of Malaya? Whose interests would have been protected or preserved had they gotten their way then? Therefore the label “Chinese communists” as mentioned by Mariam Mokhtar is an apt description.
Mariam Mokhtar should also get her facts right (Chin Peng Has The Last Laugh, Malaysiakini, 23rd September 2013). Because of the ratio above, the Emergency was in essence a battle between the Malays who were trying to preserve their identity and religion, and the non-Malays who were against the CPM, against the Chinese-majority CPM that was bent on setting up a satellite communists state here. Mariam mentioned that atrocities were not just committed by Chin. Peng, but by both sides because “Malaya was on a war footing”. Since when was Malaya on a war footing? Who committed the first atrocity in 1948? Why was he fighting against an independent Malaya? And why did he not stop after the Tunku had announced our independence in 1956?
Chin Peng betrayed the people of Malaya. At the Baling talks, he promised the Tunku that the CPM would lay down their arms immediately if the British agreed to transfer power over internal security and defence into the hands of the Tunku’s Umno-MCA-MIC Alliance Government. Did he do it? No. He continued to kill Malayans/Malaysians for a further 34 years after the talks.
Chin Peng may be gone. And on every 16th September, Malaysia Day would be more meaningful – the day the man who butchered 10,000 of the people he had wanted to liberate, finally kicked the bucket on foreign soil.
Good riddance to bad rubbish!
In the final instalment, I will cover non-Malaysian Chin Peng’s request to be allowed to visit Sitiawan.
Monday, September 23, 2013
from a friend about CP (part 1)
The greatest news I received on Malaysia Day was of Chin Peng’s death. I was some 250 nautical miles from Kuantan and had been sailing for more than a week without receiving any form of news from home, so imagine my feeling of jubilation.
Yes, it has almost been 24 years since the signing of the peace treaty in Hatyai between the Government of the Federation of Malaysia and the Communist Party of Malaya. I will cover more on the treaty in the second part. Many do not understand that the treaty was about the ending of hostilities between the two parties, but not about the CPM having to give their ideology up. So, when The Sunday Star decided to ask 19-year olds if the thought the communist is still a threat my mind instinctively asked, “what is the purpose of asking those who were still swimming inside testicles when the treaty was signed?” It just hinted malicious intent. Of late, the popular mainstream daily and ASTRO’s Awani sound like some leftist publications.
Many in KL would not remember the bombings, and shootings of police officers that occurred in KL itself. The last. I heard of a gun-battle between the police and the CPM was in May 1983 on the old trunk road between Gombak and Janda Baik, near Mimaland. One policeman died, the other wounded but managed to kill both Min Yuens.
I read with disgust both on the mainstream media as well as on the online social media how sympathisers asked the government to allow for Chin Peng’s ashes be brought back to Sitiawan. After all, “the man is more a threat alive than when he is dead” quoted a member of a BN component party. If that was supposed to have moved me, then it had failed miserably.
Equally disgusting was the comparisons made between the bodies of the Sulu terrorists, bomb-making terrorists Azahari and Nordin Mat top, with Chin Peng. Nobody ever claimed the bodies of the Sulu terrorists, Azahari and Nordin Mat Top were Malaysian citizens and never did they wage war against their people – unlike Chin Peng whom I believe was never a citizen of the Federation of Malaysia, nor was he a citizen of the Federation of Malaya, as described in Part 1.1 (a) of the Second Schedule of the Federal Constitution of Malaysia. I doubt Malaysian-born Kamahl calls Malaysia home!
Worst is when PAS members also went to Bangkok to attend the wake of the man so determined to eradicate the Malays and their religion. I suppose in the name of politics and power, God comes second. After all, God is intangible, unlike Chin Peng.
And the statement made by a former Inspector-General of Police on the matter saying that the world would laugh at us if we do not allow Chin Peng’s ashes to be brought back for final rites is an insult to us servicemen (police and military), especially to those who continue to suffer as a result of the loss of limbs, or loss of a father, husband, or son. Perhaps this is why an ex-IGP was made an Ambassador while this ex-IGP continue to find recognition for the things he had done; but all he was famous for was punching Anwar Ibrahim while in custody!
Hitler killed Jews for only five years. Chin Peng waged war against the people he was supposed to liberate for 41 years. Why did not Chin Peng stop as soon as the Tunku had announced Malaya’s independence in Melaka in 1956? Why did he continue to wage war against this nation and her people? The British government servants were all serving the Sultans and Rajas and were answerable to the latter, with the exception of Penang, Melaka and Singapore that were colonies of the British Empire. So Chin Peng was not interested in fighting against colonialism, the Japanese also did that in Malaya!
Chin Peng was more interested in assuming this nation under communism, as a satellite nation to the People’s. Republic of China. And thousands died fighting this man who was adamant to destroy their religion and way of life.
To those who continue to ask for Chin Peng’s ashes to be allowed a final trip to Malaysia, and ask others to move on, forgive and forget, do ask the Jews to forgive Hitler for the five years of atrocities committed against them. Then we should be able to move on eight times the amount of time taken for the Jews to forgive Hitler.
Chin Peng never showed any compassion, nor did he ever exhibit remorse. He was a psychopath worshipped by idiots who deserves not even a single whiff of sympathy.
Therefore, he should just stay out forever and not tarnish the soil of this beloved nation
Yes, it has almost been 24 years since the signing of the peace treaty in Hatyai between the Government of the Federation of Malaysia and the Communist Party of Malaya. I will cover more on the treaty in the second part. Many do not understand that the treaty was about the ending of hostilities between the two parties, but not about the CPM having to give their ideology up. So, when The Sunday Star decided to ask 19-year olds if the thought the communist is still a threat my mind instinctively asked, “what is the purpose of asking those who were still swimming inside testicles when the treaty was signed?” It just hinted malicious intent. Of late, the popular mainstream daily and ASTRO’s Awani sound like some leftist publications.
Many in KL would not remember the bombings, and shootings of police officers that occurred in KL itself. The last. I heard of a gun-battle between the police and the CPM was in May 1983 on the old trunk road between Gombak and Janda Baik, near Mimaland. One policeman died, the other wounded but managed to kill both Min Yuens.
I read with disgust both on the mainstream media as well as on the online social media how sympathisers asked the government to allow for Chin Peng’s ashes be brought back to Sitiawan. After all, “the man is more a threat alive than when he is dead” quoted a member of a BN component party. If that was supposed to have moved me, then it had failed miserably.
Equally disgusting was the comparisons made between the bodies of the Sulu terrorists, bomb-making terrorists Azahari and Nordin Mat top, with Chin Peng. Nobody ever claimed the bodies of the Sulu terrorists, Azahari and Nordin Mat Top were Malaysian citizens and never did they wage war against their people – unlike Chin Peng whom I believe was never a citizen of the Federation of Malaysia, nor was he a citizen of the Federation of Malaya, as described in Part 1.1 (a) of the Second Schedule of the Federal Constitution of Malaysia. I doubt Malaysian-born Kamahl calls Malaysia home!
Worst is when PAS members also went to Bangkok to attend the wake of the man so determined to eradicate the Malays and their religion. I suppose in the name of politics and power, God comes second. After all, God is intangible, unlike Chin Peng.
And the statement made by a former Inspector-General of Police on the matter saying that the world would laugh at us if we do not allow Chin Peng’s ashes to be brought back for final rites is an insult to us servicemen (police and military), especially to those who continue to suffer as a result of the loss of limbs, or loss of a father, husband, or son. Perhaps this is why an ex-IGP was made an Ambassador while this ex-IGP continue to find recognition for the things he had done; but all he was famous for was punching Anwar Ibrahim while in custody!
Hitler killed Jews for only five years. Chin Peng waged war against the people he was supposed to liberate for 41 years. Why did not Chin Peng stop as soon as the Tunku had announced Malaya’s independence in Melaka in 1956? Why did he continue to wage war against this nation and her people? The British government servants were all serving the Sultans and Rajas and were answerable to the latter, with the exception of Penang, Melaka and Singapore that were colonies of the British Empire. So Chin Peng was not interested in fighting against colonialism, the Japanese also did that in Malaya!
Chin Peng was more interested in assuming this nation under communism, as a satellite nation to the People’s. Republic of China. And thousands died fighting this man who was adamant to destroy their religion and way of life.
To those who continue to ask for Chin Peng’s ashes to be allowed a final trip to Malaysia, and ask others to move on, forgive and forget, do ask the Jews to forgive Hitler for the five years of atrocities committed against them. Then we should be able to move on eight times the amount of time taken for the Jews to forgive Hitler.
Chin Peng never showed any compassion, nor did he ever exhibit remorse. He was a psychopath worshipped by idiots who deserves not even a single whiff of sympathy.
Therefore, he should just stay out forever and not tarnish the soil of this beloved nation
Tuesday, September 10, 2013
Jasa mu di Kenang....Tun Dr. Ismail...
[TOKOH MALAYSIA] - TUN DR ISMAIL
Nama sebenar: Ismail bin Dato' Abdul Rahman
Tempat kelahiran: Johor Bharu
Tarikh kelahiran: 4 November 1915
1. Abdul Rahman bin Mohamed Yasin (bapa Tun Dr Ismail) adalah bekas pegawai awam kerajaan Johor dan juga menyandang jawatan Presiden Pertama Dewan Negeri.
2. Zaharah bt Abu Bakar (ibu Tun Dr Ismail) telah meninggal dunia sewaktu Tun Dr Ismail berusia 9 tahun.
3. Tun Dr Ismail mempunyai 8 orang adik beradik.
4. Berkahwin dengan Toh Puan Norashikin binti Dato' Mohd Seth.
5. Tun dan Toh Puan mempunyai 6 orang cahaya mata iaitu 4 anak lelaki dan 2 anak perempuan.
6. Tun Ismail amat menggemari sukan seperti golf, ragbi, tenis, badminton, tinju dan bola sepak.
7. Tun juga amat berminat dalam bidang fotografi.
8. Tun adalah penggemar lagu-lagu melayu asli dan suka mengumpul barang-barang antik.
9. Waktu riadah, Tun suka bercucuk tanam pelbagai jenis bunga dan buah-buahan.
10. Tun Dr. Ismail terkenal di kalangan pemimpin kerajaan dan antarabangsa kerana kebijaksanaannya dalam berhujah serta idea-idea yang membina dan bernas
11. Beliau adalah orang yang mula-mula menganjurkan Dasar Berkecuali Asia Tenggara.
12. Dengan tindakan yang tegas beliau berjaya memulihkan keamanan dalam negara pada masa tragedi 13 Mei 1969.
13. Tun Dr. Ismail pernah memangku jawatan Perdana Menteri ketika Y.T.M Tunku Abdul Rahman dan Tun Abdul Razak berada di luar negara.
14. Menghembuskan nafas terakhir pada 2 Ogos 1973 dalam usia 57 tahun di rumahnya.
> Sekolah English College Johor Bharu.
> Maktab Perubatan King Edward VII College of Medicine, Singapura (1935-1937).
> Melanjutkan pelajaran di Universiti melbourne Australia - Ijazah. (1945).
> Merupakan anak melayu pertama yang lulus di Universiti Melbourne.
1. Membuka klinik perubatan sendiri yang dinamakan Tawakkal dari tahun 1947 - 1952.
2. Juga bekerja secara sambilan di Hospital Besar, Johor Bahru.
3. Dilantik sebagai ahli Majlis Mesyuarat Undangan Negeri Johor dan ahli Majlis Mesyuarat Kerajaan pada tahun 1948.
4. Mula melibatkan diri sepenuh masa dalam memperjuangkan kemerdekaan tanah air melalui UMNO pada tahun 1953.
5. Menyandang jawatan Menteri Hasil Bumi pada tahun 1953 hingga 1955.
6. Pada 1996, beliau dilantik menjadi Menteri Perdagangan dan Perindustrian yang pertama.
7. Beliau juga terlibat dalam rombongan Ketua Menteri, Y.T.M Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra ke London pada 18 Januari hingga 8 Februari 1956 kerana rundingan mengenai Kemerdekaan.
8., Dr. Ismail dilantik sebagai Duta Besar Persekutuan Tanah Melayu yang pertama ke Washington di samping menjadi Wakil Tetap di Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu.
9. Pada bulan September 1957 beliau hadir di Persidangan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu setelah Malaya di terima sebagai anggota pertubuhan itu.
10. Pada tahun 1959 beliau dilantik sebagai Menteri Hal Ehwal Luar Negeri.
11. Pada tahun 1960 pula beliau dilantik menjadi Menteri Keselamatan Dalam Negeri dan tiga bulan selepas itu ditugaskan menjalankan kerja-kerja sebagai Menteri Hal Ehwal Dalam Negeri.
12. Pada tahun 1967, Tun Dr. Ismail mengambil keputusan meletakkan jawatan kerana kesihatan sering terganggu disebabkan penyakit jantung.
13. Walau bagaimanapun beliau telah kembali berkhidmat pada bulan Mei 1969. Beliau telah dilantik menjadi Menteri Hal Ehwal Dalam Negeri.
14. Tun Razak telah melantik Tun Dr. Ismail sebagai timbalannya di samping menyandang jawatan Menteri Hal Ehwal Dalam Negeri dan Kementerian Perdagangan dan Perindustrian.
15. Menghadiri Persidangan Menteri-Menteri Kehakiman Komanwel di Australia dan Persidangan Keamanan Dunia melalui undang-undang di Washington pada tahun 1965.
16. Mewakili Malaysia di upacara perlantikan Presiden Filipina dalam bulan Disember 1965.
17. Dalam tahun 1964, semasa konfrantasi Indonesia terhadap Malaysia, Tun Dr. Ismail telah diutus ke New York sebagai ketua rombongan untuk membentangkan perkara Malaysia/Indonesia dalam Majlis Keselamatan pada 5 November 1964.
> Darjah Panglima Mangku Negara oleh Yang di-Pertuan Agong pada 31 Ogos 1959.
> Majlis Senat Universiti Malaya turut memperingati dan menghargai jasa beliau dengan mengurniakan Ijazah Kehormat Doktor Undang-Undang pada 13 Jun 1964.
> Oktober 1965, beliau menerima Darjah Kebesaran Vietnam iaitu Vietnam National Order Grand Officer.
> Dikurniakan anugerah Seri Paduka Mahkota Johor (SPMJ) daripada Sultan Johor.
> Pada bulan April tahun 1966 beliau telah di anugerahkan pingat Seri Setia Mahkota (SSM) yang membawa gelaran Tun.
> dikurniakan Bintang Republik Indonesia Kelas Dua. Penghargaan ini diperolehi ketika Presiden Suharto melawat Malaysia pada tahun 1970.
> Dalam Konvensyen Pertama Universiti Sains Malaysia pada 9 Januari 1973 Tun Dr. Ismail telah menerima Ijazah Kehormat Doktor Undang-Undang.
> Jenazah beliau telah disemadikan di Makam Pahlawan Negara di Masjid Negara atas kehendak Tun Abdul Razak. -
Nama sebenar: Ismail bin Dato' Abdul Rahman
Tempat kelahiran: Johor Bharu
Tarikh kelahiran: 4 November 1915
1. Abdul Rahman bin Mohamed Yasin (bapa Tun Dr Ismail) adalah bekas pegawai awam kerajaan Johor dan juga menyandang jawatan Presiden Pertama Dewan Negeri.
2. Zaharah bt Abu Bakar (ibu Tun Dr Ismail) telah meninggal dunia sewaktu Tun Dr Ismail berusia 9 tahun.
3. Tun Dr Ismail mempunyai 8 orang adik beradik.
4. Berkahwin dengan Toh Puan Norashikin binti Dato' Mohd Seth.
5. Tun dan Toh Puan mempunyai 6 orang cahaya mata iaitu 4 anak lelaki dan 2 anak perempuan.
6. Tun Ismail amat menggemari sukan seperti golf, ragbi, tenis, badminton, tinju dan bola sepak.
7. Tun juga amat berminat dalam bidang fotografi.
8. Tun adalah penggemar lagu-lagu melayu asli dan suka mengumpul barang-barang antik.
9. Waktu riadah, Tun suka bercucuk tanam pelbagai jenis bunga dan buah-buahan.
10. Tun Dr. Ismail terkenal di kalangan pemimpin kerajaan dan antarabangsa kerana kebijaksanaannya dalam berhujah serta idea-idea yang membina dan bernas
11. Beliau adalah orang yang mula-mula menganjurkan Dasar Berkecuali Asia Tenggara.
12. Dengan tindakan yang tegas beliau berjaya memulihkan keamanan dalam negara pada masa tragedi 13 Mei 1969.
13. Tun Dr. Ismail pernah memangku jawatan Perdana Menteri ketika Y.T.M Tunku Abdul Rahman dan Tun Abdul Razak berada di luar negara.
14. Menghembuskan nafas terakhir pada 2 Ogos 1973 dalam usia 57 tahun di rumahnya.
> Sekolah English College Johor Bharu.
> Maktab Perubatan King Edward VII College of Medicine, Singapura (1935-1937).
> Melanjutkan pelajaran di Universiti melbourne Australia - Ijazah. (1945).
> Merupakan anak melayu pertama yang lulus di Universiti Melbourne.
1. Membuka klinik perubatan sendiri yang dinamakan Tawakkal dari tahun 1947 - 1952.
2. Juga bekerja secara sambilan di Hospital Besar, Johor Bahru.
3. Dilantik sebagai ahli Majlis Mesyuarat Undangan Negeri Johor dan ahli Majlis Mesyuarat Kerajaan pada tahun 1948.
4. Mula melibatkan diri sepenuh masa dalam memperjuangkan kemerdekaan tanah air melalui UMNO pada tahun 1953.
5. Menyandang jawatan Menteri Hasil Bumi pada tahun 1953 hingga 1955.
6. Pada 1996, beliau dilantik menjadi Menteri Perdagangan dan Perindustrian yang pertama.
7. Beliau juga terlibat dalam rombongan Ketua Menteri, Y.T.M Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra ke London pada 18 Januari hingga 8 Februari 1956 kerana rundingan mengenai Kemerdekaan.
8., Dr. Ismail dilantik sebagai Duta Besar Persekutuan Tanah Melayu yang pertama ke Washington di samping menjadi Wakil Tetap di Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu.
9. Pada bulan September 1957 beliau hadir di Persidangan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu setelah Malaya di terima sebagai anggota pertubuhan itu.
10. Pada tahun 1959 beliau dilantik sebagai Menteri Hal Ehwal Luar Negeri.
11. Pada tahun 1960 pula beliau dilantik menjadi Menteri Keselamatan Dalam Negeri dan tiga bulan selepas itu ditugaskan menjalankan kerja-kerja sebagai Menteri Hal Ehwal Dalam Negeri.
12. Pada tahun 1967, Tun Dr. Ismail mengambil keputusan meletakkan jawatan kerana kesihatan sering terganggu disebabkan penyakit jantung.
13. Walau bagaimanapun beliau telah kembali berkhidmat pada bulan Mei 1969. Beliau telah dilantik menjadi Menteri Hal Ehwal Dalam Negeri.
14. Tun Razak telah melantik Tun Dr. Ismail sebagai timbalannya di samping menyandang jawatan Menteri Hal Ehwal Dalam Negeri dan Kementerian Perdagangan dan Perindustrian.
15. Menghadiri Persidangan Menteri-Menteri Kehakiman Komanwel di Australia dan Persidangan Keamanan Dunia melalui undang-undang di Washington pada tahun 1965.
16. Mewakili Malaysia di upacara perlantikan Presiden Filipina dalam bulan Disember 1965.
17. Dalam tahun 1964, semasa konfrantasi Indonesia terhadap Malaysia, Tun Dr. Ismail telah diutus ke New York sebagai ketua rombongan untuk membentangkan perkara Malaysia/Indonesia dalam Majlis Keselamatan pada 5 November 1964.
> Darjah Panglima Mangku Negara oleh Yang di-Pertuan Agong pada 31 Ogos 1959.
> Majlis Senat Universiti Malaya turut memperingati dan menghargai jasa beliau dengan mengurniakan Ijazah Kehormat Doktor Undang-Undang pada 13 Jun 1964.
> Oktober 1965, beliau menerima Darjah Kebesaran Vietnam iaitu Vietnam National Order Grand Officer.
> Dikurniakan anugerah Seri Paduka Mahkota Johor (SPMJ) daripada Sultan Johor.
> Pada bulan April tahun 1966 beliau telah di anugerahkan pingat Seri Setia Mahkota (SSM) yang membawa gelaran Tun.
> dikurniakan Bintang Republik Indonesia Kelas Dua. Penghargaan ini diperolehi ketika Presiden Suharto melawat Malaysia pada tahun 1970.
> Dalam Konvensyen Pertama Universiti Sains Malaysia pada 9 Januari 1973 Tun Dr. Ismail telah menerima Ijazah Kehormat Doktor Undang-Undang.
> Jenazah beliau telah disemadikan di Makam Pahlawan Negara di Masjid Negara atas kehendak Tun Abdul Razak. -
Tuesday, August 13, 2013
CARA BRUNEI 'MENGAJAR' CINA
Oleh : Helen Ang
Negara jiran kita Brunei tidak menerima sebahagian penduduknya yang berketurunan Cina sebagai warga. Orang Cina ini hanya diberikan taraf pemastautin tetap (PR).
Sungguhpun golongan orang Cina ini sudah generasi kedua atau ketiga lahir di Brunei, mereka masih lagi PR sahaja (bermakna tidak memegang paspot Brunei).
Brunei agak luarbiasa. Ia mempunyai sistem pemerintahan beraja di mana Sultan Brunei adalah Muslim dan Brunei ialah sebuah negara Islam yang agama rasminya Islam. Akan tetapi taburan penduduk Muslimnya sekadar 51.9 peratus sahaja, mengikut anggaran oleh Pew Research Center pada tahun 2008.
Hampir separuh (kira-kira 48 peratus) daripada penduduk di Brunei bukan Muslim kerana mereka kaum minoriti yang berstatus ‘stateless people’.
Kebanyakan penduduk bukan warga di Brunei adalah etnik Cina yang tidak mempunyai hak-hak penuh dan faedah yang dinikmati seorang warga biasa. – laporan tahun 2012 oleh badan hak asasi Freedom House
Penduduk bukan warga (stateless people) tidak dibenarkan untuk memiliki tanah di Brunei. Mereka tidak mendapat rawatan kesihatan yang dibiayai penuh oleh kesultanan kaya-raya itu. Mereka tidak layak mendapat pendidikan percuma tahap pengajian tinggi. – laporan amalan hak asasi oleh Jabatan Negeri Amerika Syarikat (24 Mei 2012).
Brunei adalah sebuah negara kecil yang jumlah penduduknya pun kecil, iaitu 390,000 orang: Melayu (67%), Cina (15%), pribumi (6%) and Lain-lain (12%).
Jumlah stateless people 21,000 orang (5.4%) dan seperti yang disebut tadi, kebanyakan mereka Cina. Kewarganegaraan tidak diberikan secara automatik.
Sesiapa yang ingin memohon untuk menjadi warga Brunei dikehendaki lulus ujian yang mana calon tersebut wajib menunjukkan bahawa dia memahami budaya dan bahasa Melayu.
Jus sanguinis
Kewarganegaraan Brunei ditentukan melalui prinsip jus sanguinis (mengikut kerakyatan ibubapa). Istilah tersebut adalah bahasa Latin dan bermaksud “right of blood” atau hak keturunan.
Talian ‘darah’ amat mustahak bagi banyak negara bangsa.
In Brunei, seorang menjadi warga mengikut operasi undang-undang sekiranya dia Melayu — merangkumi Belait, Bisaya, Dusun, Kedayan, Murut dan Melayu Tutong (sumber sini).
Pada lumrahnya, manusia mementingkan etnik.
Ambil contoh United Kingdom yang terdiri daripada Ireland Utara, Scotland, England dan Wales.
Orang British menggelar diri mereka orang Irish, orang Scot, orang English dan orang Welsh, lebih kurang macam orang Malaysia menggelar diri kita Melayu, Cina, India dan sebagainya.
Kita di Malaysia berlainan agama dan berbeza warna kulit.
Orang asal Irish, Scot, English dan Welsh sama agama (Kristian) dan sama warna kulit (putih). Namun mereka masih lagi nekad untuk membeza-bezakan diri mereka.
Seorang Irish, misalan kata, enggan dikenali sebagai orang English.
Dua tahun kelak, Scotland akan mengadakan referendum untuk menentukan sama ada orang Scot mahu keluar daripada UK dan seterusnya negeri tersebut menjadi sebuah republik berdikari.
Perkembangan ini membayangkan betapa kuatnya jatidiri orang Scot, yang lebih Scot daripada British. Untuk sekian lama, gerila IRA telah berperang saudara berhasrat akan pemisahan Ireland Utara daripada Great Britain – pulau besar terdiri England, Scotland dan Wales – supaya boleh bergabung semula dengan Ireland kerana jati diri mereka ialah sebagai orang Irish.
Di serata dunia, pengenalan diri mengikut etnik adalah begitu mendalam. Contohnya orang Kurd mahu menubuhkan sebuah negara Kurdistan khusus untuk etnik mereka. Jadi kepada Cina Malaysia ataupun DAP khususnya, jangan 'macekeyo' kononnya memfitnah MALAYSIA ni tak adil dalam urusan kaum. Tanya kepada NEGARA ASAL KETURUNAN kamu sendiri, adakah mereka cukup adil dengan kaum-kaum minoriti di negara kaum asal kamu?
sumber dari - Pena minang
Thursday, August 1, 2013
The Chinese dilemma: Dr M
KONGSI’ CONCEPT: Each side has to sacrifice something so that the other can gain something
IN response to the emergence of a Malay political party, Umno and its success in rejecting the British inspired Malayan Union, the Chinese community of the 1940s saw the need for a political party of their own to present their views to the British government.
Thus was the MCA conceived and born, led by Malacca's Sir Cheng-Lock Tan. Although it was intended to counter the influence of Umno and protect the interests of the Chinese community, events changed the strategy and role of the MCA.
In 1952 the Kuala Lumpur Umno leaders and the Kuala Lumpur MCA branch leaders decided that in the Kuala Lumpur municipal elections, they should not contest against each other, but instead should support each other's candidates in their respective constituencies.
The results startled them as they defeated almost all the non-racial parties. Realising the political advantage of cooperating with each other the Tunku (Abdul Rahman) and Sir Cheng-Lock Tan, and senior leaders of the MCA and Umno decided to formalise their cooperation by setting up the Alliance, a coalition of MCA and Umno.
The basis of this coalition was the idea of supporting each other and sharing the power gained. Buoyed by the success of the Alliance party in the 1955 elections, in which the MIC had joined, the Tunku looked more kindly at the proposal of Sir Cheng-Lock that citizenship should be based on jus soli (citizenship by being born in the country) and not jus saguinis (citizenship based on the Malaysian citizenship of the father or mother, i.e. citizenship based on blood relation).
The Tunku did not quite agree but he nevertheless decided to give one million citizenships to unqualified Chinese and Indians.
With that the confrontation between the Chinese and the Malays changed into positive cooperation.
It was a classic kongsi that was set up. The essence is an undertaking to share. Sharing involves a give and take arrangement, in which each side has to sacrifice something so that the other can gain something.
As the Malays made up the majority of the citizens they naturally led the Alliance. But the Chinese and Indians were not without adequate power. In any case Malay political power would be mitigated by Chinese and Indians' voting and economic power.
The Tunku saw immediate benefit from the "kongsi" as he believed Malays only wanted to be government employees and the Chinese wanted to be in business. There would be no conflict or tussle between them.
The Indians would fill up the professional posts. He did not foresee the days when government could not create enough jobs for the greatly increased number of Malays.
The kongsi Alliance worked well. But in 1963 Singapore joined Malaysia.
Immediately the PAP tried to gain Chinese support by condemning the Alliance kongsi for being disadvantageous to the Chinese. Malaysians, said the PAP, were not equal. There should be a Malaysian Malaysia where all the benefits should be based on merit alone, with the best taking everything, irrespective of race.
Without saying so in so many words the PAP was inferring that the Malays did not deserve their positions. The best people should rule the country. In the eyes of the PAP, Singapore was ruled by the best qualified people. That they happen to be almost all Chinese is incidental.
In the 1964 elections the MCA and Malaysian Chinese generally valued their cooperation with the Malays. They rejected the PAP and its chauvinistic appeal, giving it only one seat.
The Tunku realised what the PAP was up to and decided that Singapore should not be a part of Malaysia. But the PAP was not done. The remnant of the party in Malaysia set up the DAP to carry on the Malaysian Malaysia meritocratic formula for undermining Chinese support for the MCA.
Harping continuously on the so-called Malay privileges and the unfairness to the Chinese, the DAP slowly eroded the idea of kongsi in the multi-racial coalition of the Barisan Nasional.
Despite the fact that the Barisan Nasional supported Chinese education and the use of the Chinese language, the DAP convinced many Chinese that the Chinese, their culture and language are not given proper treatment by the Barisan Nasional coalition.
The MCA was attacked for not doing enough for the Chinese.
Realising the political advantage of cooperating with each other, Tunku Abdul Rahman, Sir Cheng-Lock Tan and senior leaders of MCA and Umno decided to formalise their cooperation by setting up the Alliance, a coalition of MCA and Umno.
Read more: The Chinese dilemma: Dr M - Columnist - New Straits Times http://www.nst.com.my/opinion/columnist/the-chinese-dilemma-dr-m-1.326708#ixzz2ahR5l5Xz
IN response to the emergence of a Malay political party, Umno and its success in rejecting the British inspired Malayan Union, the Chinese community of the 1940s saw the need for a political party of their own to present their views to the British government.
Thus was the MCA conceived and born, led by Malacca's Sir Cheng-Lock Tan. Although it was intended to counter the influence of Umno and protect the interests of the Chinese community, events changed the strategy and role of the MCA.
In 1952 the Kuala Lumpur Umno leaders and the Kuala Lumpur MCA branch leaders decided that in the Kuala Lumpur municipal elections, they should not contest against each other, but instead should support each other's candidates in their respective constituencies.
The results startled them as they defeated almost all the non-racial parties. Realising the political advantage of cooperating with each other the Tunku (Abdul Rahman) and Sir Cheng-Lock Tan, and senior leaders of the MCA and Umno decided to formalise their cooperation by setting up the Alliance, a coalition of MCA and Umno.
The basis of this coalition was the idea of supporting each other and sharing the power gained. Buoyed by the success of the Alliance party in the 1955 elections, in which the MIC had joined, the Tunku looked more kindly at the proposal of Sir Cheng-Lock that citizenship should be based on jus soli (citizenship by being born in the country) and not jus saguinis (citizenship based on the Malaysian citizenship of the father or mother, i.e. citizenship based on blood relation).
The Tunku did not quite agree but he nevertheless decided to give one million citizenships to unqualified Chinese and Indians.
With that the confrontation between the Chinese and the Malays changed into positive cooperation.
It was a classic kongsi that was set up. The essence is an undertaking to share. Sharing involves a give and take arrangement, in which each side has to sacrifice something so that the other can gain something.
As the Malays made up the majority of the citizens they naturally led the Alliance. But the Chinese and Indians were not without adequate power. In any case Malay political power would be mitigated by Chinese and Indians' voting and economic power.
The Tunku saw immediate benefit from the "kongsi" as he believed Malays only wanted to be government employees and the Chinese wanted to be in business. There would be no conflict or tussle between them.
The Indians would fill up the professional posts. He did not foresee the days when government could not create enough jobs for the greatly increased number of Malays.
The kongsi Alliance worked well. But in 1963 Singapore joined Malaysia.
Immediately the PAP tried to gain Chinese support by condemning the Alliance kongsi for being disadvantageous to the Chinese. Malaysians, said the PAP, were not equal. There should be a Malaysian Malaysia where all the benefits should be based on merit alone, with the best taking everything, irrespective of race.
Without saying so in so many words the PAP was inferring that the Malays did not deserve their positions. The best people should rule the country. In the eyes of the PAP, Singapore was ruled by the best qualified people. That they happen to be almost all Chinese is incidental.
In the 1964 elections the MCA and Malaysian Chinese generally valued their cooperation with the Malays. They rejected the PAP and its chauvinistic appeal, giving it only one seat.
The Tunku realised what the PAP was up to and decided that Singapore should not be a part of Malaysia. But the PAP was not done. The remnant of the party in Malaysia set up the DAP to carry on the Malaysian Malaysia meritocratic formula for undermining Chinese support for the MCA.
Harping continuously on the so-called Malay privileges and the unfairness to the Chinese, the DAP slowly eroded the idea of kongsi in the multi-racial coalition of the Barisan Nasional.
Despite the fact that the Barisan Nasional supported Chinese education and the use of the Chinese language, the DAP convinced many Chinese that the Chinese, their culture and language are not given proper treatment by the Barisan Nasional coalition.
The MCA was attacked for not doing enough for the Chinese.
Realising the political advantage of cooperating with each other, Tunku Abdul Rahman, Sir Cheng-Lock Tan and senior leaders of MCA and Umno decided to formalise their cooperation by setting up the Alliance, a coalition of MCA and Umno.
Read more: The Chinese dilemma: Dr M - Columnist - New Straits Times http://www.nst.com.my/opinion/columnist/the-chinese-dilemma-dr-m-1.326708#ixzz2ahR5l5Xz
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